You are currently viewing A Fragmented Response: ASEAN Policy on the Myanmar Crisis

ASEAN countries are acutely aware of the complexity of the current conflict and have been making both multilateral and bilateral efforts to resolve it over the past four years.

Laos: Both countries have historically supported each other. In 2024, direct flights between them were launched. The parties are interested in strengthening cooperation in various areas. To this end, friendship groups between them were established in 2025. On the Myanmar side, the Friendship Group with Laos was headed by Brigadier General Win Maung, and the Lao Friendship Group with Myanmar was headed by Chanthavong Sengamathmonthy, Vice Chairman of the National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs Committee. The agenda included prospects for strengthening cooperation through public and business diplomacy.

Cambodia: In Cambodia, contacts with Myanmar are overseen by former Prime Minister Hun Sen, President of the Cambodian Senate and Chairman of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party. As ASEAN Chair, he personally visited Myanmar in 2022 when he was prime minister. Since 2023, his son, Hun Manet, has served as prime minister. He has met several times with Myanmar’s leader, Min Aung Hlaing. By resolving the crisis in Myanmar, Hun Sen wants to demonstrate that Cambodia can contribute to finding a long-term solution that will help Myanmar emerge from the crisis, which in turn would enhance Cambodia’s regional and international status as a peacemaker.

Vietnam: Myanmar has always considered Vietnam a traditional friend and reliable partner within ASEAN, as well as in international and regional forums. Vietnam has closely monitored the situation in Myanmar. At the UN, Hanoi has consistently voiced its unwavering position, which is to respect Myanmar’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity: a settlement must be achieved by the people of Myanmar themselves through agreement, compromise, and the participation of all stakeholders.

Thailand: The Kingdom is a leading investor in Myanmar and an important trading partner. Myanmar Prime Minister Min Aung Hlaing periodically visits the country. Following last year’s meeting between Myanmar’s leader and the Thai Foreign Minister, Thailand has become more actively involved in the search for peace in Myanmar and the restoration of order on the Thai-Myanmar border. The Myanmar-Thailand border is a “grey zone” that is exploited by cybercriminals. Thailand is seeking to demonstrate its support for a peaceful settlement in Myanmar.

Malaysia: During its ASEAN chairmanship in 2025, Malaysia was actively involved in resolving the Myanmar crisis. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim stated that Malaysia has made significant progress, although many unresolved issues remain. It should be noted that Malaysia, a Muslim country, has historically taken the most critical stance within ASEAN regarding Myanmar, as it has received the bulk of the Rohingya refugee influx.

Brunei: The sultanate has a population of less than 500,000 and is interested in ASEAN stability. Following the earthquake in Myanmar, Brunei sent essential humanitarian aid. Notably, it was delivered by a Royal Brunei Air Force (RBAF) aircraft.

Indonesia: ASEAN’s largest country, with a population of 270 million, is seeking to portray itself as a regional peacemaker, and values the prestige and authority of the association in conflict resolution. As Myanmar leader Min Aung Hlaing noted, understanding the humanitarian aspects of the conflict in Myanmar – the country’s culture, legislation, and history – is essential for resolving it. Indonesia, the initiator of the 1955 Bandung Conference, has historically understood the importance of maintaining regional stability and respecting the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of countries in the region.

Philippines: The Philippines will chair ASEAN in 2026 and will continue to follow Malaysia’s strategy regarding the Myanmar crisis. According to the Philippine Foreign Ministry, the country will maintain the Association’s current approach to Myanmar and will consider appointing a permanent ASEAN Special Envoy for Myanmar, replacing the annually appointed representative. This will be discussed during the upcoming ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ meeting in January. In November, a Myanmar delegation led by Thida Oo, the Minister of Justice and Attorney General, participated in the 13th
ASEAN Justice Ministers’ Meeting in Manila. A separate delegation attended the 24th ASEAN Senior Law Enforcement Officials’ Meeting, held from November 10 to 13. During the meetings, the Myanmar Minister of Justice spoke about judicial cooperation to promote regional stability and combat transnational crimes such as terrorism, money laundering, and cybercrime.

Singapore: Singapore has played a significant role in conflict resolution. Singapore’s representative, Noeleen Heyzer, as the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, visited Myanmar and met with Min Aung Hlaing, who agreed to open negotiations and the development of comprehensive solutions. Singapore’s Foreign Minister, Vivian Balakrishnan, stated
that there is no “magic” solution to the Myanmar crisis; dialogue must be conducted politically.

Thus, ASEAN’s position on Myanmar represents a difficult balance between the principle of non-interference and the need to respond to a profound crisis that has a direct impact on regional stability, security, and the association’s reputation.

The key conclusion is that the regional approach to Myanmar remains fragmented. Despite the existence of a Five-Point Consensus reached by the states of the region, its implementation has been hampered by pragmatic national interests, historical ties, and varying threat perceptions among the member states. While some states (such as Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam) are emphasising dialogue and a respect for sovereignty, others (Malaysia and, to some extent, Indonesia) have emphasised the need for inclusiveness and a humanitarian approach. Thailand and Singapore are taking a more cautious, mediating stance, focusing on the practical aspects: security and economics.

The Valdai Discussion Club was established in 2004. It is named after Lake Valdai, which is located close to Veliky Novgorod, where the Club’s first meeting took place.

 

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