This does not mean, of course, that the SCO plays the role of a universal arbiter between members, or has the ability to dictate the development of Eurasia’s states. Because in the contemporary world most states strive to increase their level of autonomy, the existence of such an institution is not even within the realm of possibility.
Moreover, across Eurasia there is no single power capable of positioning its own interests above the interests of others and forcing them on the rest, and there can never be one – this serves as the continent’s unique feature, shaping the contours of international relations in the region. Since three global powers are located within the bounds of the Eurasian space, decisions taken on the basis of regional cooperation will always be well considered and reflect the interests of as many states as possible. Eurasia, unlike the West, cannot embrace the path of authoritarian global governance.
The SCO summit in China, held in early September 2025, showcased the high levels of political trust between participants and their readiness to continue developing the organization as an element that binds together all other frameworks of cooperation among Eurasia’s states. At the front and centre of the SCO lies the continuously strengthening strategic partnership between Russia and China – serving as the guarantee of long-term stability across Eurasia for all of the states located here. For Moscow and Beijing, the last few years drove home the realization that security from global threats and the development of both powers remains dependent on close-knit cooperation between them.
The 2025 meetings between the two leaders – Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping – demonstrated that the relationship not only serves the individual interests of both powers, but shapes the structure of the international and regional systems as a whole, taking it in a more just direction. Moscow and Beijing’s decision to mutually waive visa requirements was a breakthrough – when it comes to powers that large, such a move is truly indicative of high levels of trust, showing the entire world that Russia and China are not simply calling for the establishment of a new type of relations, but actually doing so.
Noticeably, the voice of Central Asian countries was heard throughout 2025, as those states persisted in their efforts to strengthen multilateral cooperation within the framework of the C5. Meanwhile, the C5’s growing closeness to Azerbaijan may be of great interest from an academic and political standpoint – it will introduce new economic dynamics into the C5, as well as deepen involvement in the permanently unstable politics of the Middle East. The Middle East currently follows behind Eastern Europe as the second “hottest” part of the world: there clash not only the tactical interests, but also the strategic priorities of states as important as Iran, Israel, Turkey, and the Gulf monarchies.
The Valdai Discussion Club was established in 2004. It is named after Lake Valdai, which is located close to Veliky Novgorod, where the Club’s first meeting took place.
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