The discourse on multi-vector policy in Central Asia is developing as a contemporary version of multipolarity at the macro and micro regional level and is not restricted to the boundaries of the nation-state. It is increasingly ignoring international borders in favour of both a local focus and regional integration. This discourse has tended to explore and categorise the regional commonalities, historical linkages, institutions, policies and economic relations that underpin region-building approaches. Hence, regionalism has become an important tool for promoting multi-vector policy in Central Asia, writes Nivedita Das Kundu.
The region emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union led to the emergence of five independent states: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The countries share a common history and culture, which contributes to the perception of Central Asia as a single region. In the context of contemporary international relations theory, Central Asia could be conceptualised as a macro region, defined as a broad territorial zone that brings together several neighbouring states sharing common features and characteristics. At the same time, Central Asia is viewed not only as a geographical entity, but also as a social system, characterised by established cooperation in security, economics and culture, with a clearly defined identity.
All of the Central Asian states are landlocked and the region is highly coveted because of its geographic location at the juncture of big and regional powers. The wealth of natural resources (especially energy resources) has added immense value. However, the region’s objective has been to build a belt of good neighbourliness, stability and security. After these five Central Asian states gained their independence, they were exposed to the external influence. Apart from the geopolitical significance, the interest shown by external powers in the region served to maintain their respective influences.
In recent years, the concept of multi-vector policy in Central Asia has become more prominent as analysts and scholars are actively engaging in popularising the idea of multi-vector Silk Route policy, focusing on the Central Asian region and its connection with other nations through historic silk route links. Central Asian geopolitical activity has become prominent and researchers and policymakers are engaging in region-building multilateral processes. Many of them have been collaborating closely with the geopolitical committees of the region and beyond, supporting the idea of increasing cooperation via various international and regional organisations and forums. Hence, all the states in the region are currently engaging in close consultation and networking with each other, trying to maintain their rich potential and cultural heritage in order to make Central Asia a hub for regional as well as global stability and prosperity.
In the 21st century, the international environment in which Central Asian states play the part of sovereign actors has become more intricate and complicated. Their shared key national interests and good economic relations have created led possibility for cooperation between the countries of the Central Asia and neighbouring states. Many possibilities have been explored regarding which these states could cooperate and coordinate despite certain asymmetries.
The Central Asian countries’ cooperation with neighbouring countries and extended neighbourhood was initially focused on economic integration, through the development of trade and economic relations, cooperation in the energy and transport sectors, and the coordination of economic projects. This gradually expanded to many other sectors. The network diplomacy and participation in different summits and meetings with different countries became a common factor in making multi-vector aspects and policies a useful feature of Central Asia’s foreign policy. This also became important in resolving a number of regional issues and concerns through diplomacy and networking among leaders and policy makers.
The ‘exchange of dialogue’ format has become an effective platform for deepening regional cooperation, constructively discussing common challenges and resolving them jointly. The discussions during various summits and forums have focused on developing concrete roadmaps for partnerships in innovation, investment, transport networks, banking and finance, water and energy, combatting extremism and terrorism, as well as eliminating the smuggling of drugs and weapons of mass destruction. Issues related to humanitarian cooperation were also taken into consideration. Regular interaction and network diplomacy have served to elevate relationships with other countries to a qualitatively new level while strengthening multi-vector approaches.
Undoubtedly, these five states of Central Asia possess great human resources and huge market potential. Many multilateral and regional organisations like the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation), CICA(Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia), CAREC (Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation), EAEU, Customs Union, and other international organisations are growing in this part of the world and it is expected that all these organisations will help in growing the relationship, and connectivity and will help in expanding the network and promote multi-vector cooperation to a new height.
This encourages the formalisation of peaceful cooperation; the countries maintain close contact with each other while multilateral and international actors increase their legitimate interest in the region. This approach is not only enhancing economic development in Central Asia, it promotes peace and security. All the three basic components i.e. geographic proximity, technological feasibility and economic viability, favours the establishment of multi-vector policy. However, proper access to economic integration and regional cooperation between or among the countries needs to be maintained.
The Central Asian states’ geo-strategic location has made the region a focal point for continuous intervention by the external powers; the competition for hegemony continues. It can thus be said that the ‘new great game’ is still underway in this part of the world. Central Asian states have four primary interfaces with neighbouring regional countries. To the north, Kazakhstan provides direct access to Russia. To the east, China can be reached through Kazakhstan, and with some difficulty due to rugged terrain, via Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. To the southeast, Afghanistan borders Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, facilitating connections. To the southwest, Turkmenistan serves as a vital gateway to Iran, which in turn provides access to the Persian Gulf. To the west, the Caspian Sea acts as a key maritime link, enabling Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan to connect with other littoral states: Azerbaijan, Russia, and Iran. These connections, in turn, grant Central Asia access to Europe, the Black Sea, and the Middle East.
All five Central Asian states inherited extensive, interlinked transport networks. Since gaining independence, their primary challenge has been to build upon this legacy by integrating these networks into international road and rail systems. A significant milestone in this process occurred with the opening of the border crossing between Kazakhstan and China, marking a crucial first step in reconnecting Central Asia to the global transportation framework. Subsequently, the Euro-Asian Transport Links (EATL) scheme and related projects redefined Central Asia’s role in global transportation routes; it can no longer be viewed as a mere mono-linear “bridge” within the Trans-Asian Railway system, Asian highway network, and pan-European corridors. These initiatives have positioned Central Asia as an integral component of both systems. This vision was further refined through the CAREC project, which, in coordination with national governments, identified key trans-regional routes for targeted investment and development. The development of road corridors followed a similar trajectory, with European highways extending across Central Asia to China’s western border, where they merge with the Asian Highway network. The sheer scale of this infrastructure development was best illustrated by the E-40 highway, which stretches approximately 8,000 km from Calais (France) to Kazakhstan, then turns south through Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan before passing through Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan to the Chinese border. Similarly, the E-60 highway follows an equally ambitious route, running from Brest (France) to Irkeshtam, on Kyrgyzstan’s border with China.
Today, the Central Asian states are faced with various security challenges. The world today is becoming ever more unpredictable, with conflicts and growing uncertainty in international relations. Hence, the Central Asian states are moving towards a strategic vision, promoting multi-vector policies. The five countries are working closely to use all existing and nascent regional initiatives to strengthen cooperation with each other. The regular meetings and networking through annual summits plays the key role in promoting the cooperation. They are also trying to strengthen the dialogue mechanism through various regional and international organisations in order to counteract various challenges and threats.
The five Central Asian countries are amenable to the concept of network diplomacy and are forming a pluralistic, democratic international order through multi-vector approaches. The Central Asian states together can play an important role in bringing innovative approaches as well as solving complicated regional problems jointly. Today, the main focus of these countries is to create cooperative, friendly relationships and to improve themselves through joint efforts and policies. The Central Asian countries are strengthening their mutual understanding and trust, which is essential for finding solutions in order to address various regional challenges and to maintain peace and tranquillity in the region.
The Valdai Discussion Club was established in 2004. It is named after Lake Valdai, which is located close to Veliky Novgorod, where the Club’s first meeting took place.
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